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Watch the following segment from the “Unconstitutional: Examining the Patriot Act” video.

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Unconstitutional: Examining the Patriot Act [Video file]. (2004). Retrieved April 16, 2017, from http://fod.infobase.com/PortalPlaylists.aspx?wID=18566&xtid=49977

 

Video Transcript below

 

America was in shock. As we sifted through therubble in the weeks that followed 9/11, thecountry was terrified that another attack couldoccur at an any moment from any corner. TheBush administration quickly begin to pushthrough sweeping policy changes.

Before anyone had a chance to understand whatwent wrong, he proposed fixes that went farbeyond fighting terrorism. This is what happenswhen federal legislators respond in panic.

Congress had been evacuated because theanthrax scare, and most of us were hangingaround the lawn of the capital. We were really outof touch, yet they felt some desire to rush this billthrough.

Give us a weekend to read it, and let’s take it upMonday morning. Hey, I’ll come in and vote at7:00 on Monday morning, if it’s that urgent.

In the Senate, they called it the Uniting andStrengthening America Act, and in the House,they called it the Patriot Act ProvidingAppropriate Tools Required to Intercept andObstruct Terrorist Acts. And the compromise wasto call in both. The USA Patriot Act. But the realpurpose behind those names, of course, was tosuggest that anyone who would criticize it isunpatriotic, is a traitor.

To those who scare peace loving people withphantoms of lost liberty, my message is this. Yourtactics only aid terrorists.

When the Patriot Act was first sent to theCongress by the Bush administration, it came withthe request that we hold no hearings on it so thatthere would be no public input or publicdiscourse.

That might have even been somewhat acceptablehad it been a bill that was considered by, andadopted unanimously by, the committee, but it wasn’t.

For six weeks previously, Congress had debatedhow to address law enforcement needs in thewake of 9/11, and eventually a bill was craftedthat had bipartisan support.

To have Bob Barr on the far right, Barney Frank,far left, agree was an amazing feat.

We came up with a draft of the bill that did havevery, very broad support across the JudiciaryCommittee. Unfortunately, it was then changed ina last minute draft before it came up on the floor.

Sometime very late in the evening, after midnight,the John Ashcroft version, the Bush White Houseversion was substituted.

The bill was printed at 3:45 AM the morningbefore the vote on the House floor. You tell mehow many of the 435 members of Congress had achance between 3:45 AM and 11:00 AM to read abill that was 345 pages long.

No member of Congress read this legislationbefore it was voted on. Not one.

This is still warm. It just came off the Xeroxmachine. This isn’t the bill that was adopted by aunanimous 36 vote of Democrats and Republicansof the Judiciary Committee. These are criticalissues. This is what we’re fighting for. These areour civil liberties.

The new bill contained provisions that had beenrejected by Congress before 9/11 had evenoccurred.

When I looked at the draft, I said, I’ve seen thisbefore. Almost all of the provisions representedefforts to expand federal law enforcement power.

They used the cover of fighting terrorism to reallygreatly expand federal law enforcement powers.

The Patriot Act ultimately passed both the Houseand the Senate with overwhelming support.

This legislation is essential not only to pursuingand punishing terrorists, but also preventingmore atrocities in the hands of the evil ones.

President Bush quickly signed the Patriot Act intolaw. It was only the beginning.

Some of the worst violations of civil liberties havehappened without the input, or without theauthorization, of Congress or the American public.In fact, it’s often happened with the discussionand with the approval of a small number of menwithin the executive branch.

These few men have changed the character ofAmerica. But have they made us any safer?

We were starting to get calls very quickly afterSeptember 11th from people that would tell us,my cousin was arrested. My brother was arrested.My uncle. And when we started inquiring aboutwhere they were taken or who took them, most of the families that we were talking to didn’t reallyknow.

Right after 9/11, the government began arrestingimmigrants from Arab and Muslim countries in anunprecedented way.

We were targeting communities on the basis ofstereotypes. Hey, I saw someone with a beard.This one came out, he prays by kneeling downand putting his forehead on the ground. Must be aterrorist. That’s the level of ignorance that wehave in this country.

People were essentially presumed guilty untildetermined to be innocent.

The government called these people detainees, asif they were simply being made late for dinner, butthe reality was much uglier.

These folks were kept in solitary confinement,which is 23 to 24 hours a day of lockup. Nocontact with the outside world. Sometimes,without any blankets in the middle of winter. Thelights were on 24 hours. The windows werecovered over. People didn’t know what hour ofthe day or night it was. These were terribleconditions.

And many people were beaten during this time.They were shackled hands to waist to feet. Theywere strip searched every time they had to leavethe cell. Many of them were yanked along the floor.

The arrests were considered secret, and thedetainees were allowed little contact with theoutside world. They were held for months eventhough they had broken no criminal laws. TheJustice Department called it the hold until clearpolicy.

The hold until clear policy was not the subject ofany public debate, or even debate withinCongress. That was a change implemented by theJustice Department itself. It was done on thestroke of one politician’s pen, and it affected thelives of hundreds of immigrants all across thecountry.

This was undertaken wholly outside of the PatriotAct. It was simply a decision by John Ashcroft, avery public decision.

Even within the Justice Department itself, therewas enormous debate and controversy aboutwhether or not the policy was constitutional,legal, or correct.

This rule change will apply to the 75 individualswho are currently detained.

The same way McDonald’s tells you how manyhamburgers they’ve sold, the government wasgiving us kind of a running tally.

There have been a total of over 480 peoplearrested or–

We have arrested or detained 614 persons.

–detained nearly 1,000 individuals.

He swept broadly, he swept blindly, until thenumber was over 1,000, and people startedasking questions. They said, how many of these1,000 people have been charged with the crimesof September 11? And the answer was zero. Thenpeople asked, well, how many of these people,these suspected terrorist, have been charged withany crime related to terrorism? And the answerwas zero.

So those were not good answers from thegovernment’s perspective. So what did thegovernment do? In early November, it announced,we no longer will give out a daily tally. It’s toodifficult for us to give out a daily tally. It wasn’tdifficult for them when they thought it sent themessage that we’re doing something to fightterrorism.

But when it started to send the message, we’relocking up lots of people who aren’t even chargedwith terrorism, they just stopped telling us howmany people were detained.

The net result of our profligate use of detentionswithout legal representation has been to make usless safe. It hasn’t uncovered any terrorists.

The Constitution is really quite clear. In parts ofthe Constitution, the rights and privileges arereserved only for American citizens, like the rightto vote. But elsewhere in the Constitution, thefounding fathers were equally explicit. No personshall be denied life, liberty, or property withoutdue process of law. They did not say no citizen.They said no person.

We’ll never know exactly how many people weredetained in those first seven weeks alone. We’llnever know who all those people are.

As soon as September 11th, I knew, because I’man Arab, they’re going to hate the ground I walkon. And for sure, they did.

February 22nd, I got a phone call about 7:00 in themorning from my uncle saying that about 12 to 15federal agents just came into my parent’s house,picked up my mom, my dad, and my sister.

It was a terrible day. I will not forget in all my life.Me or my family.

Around 5:30 in the morning, I heard a hard knockon the door.

We wake up. What’s going on? What’s wrong?

I keep telling my husband, don’t open. We don’tknow who they are. But he was already there.

I opened the door for them, on suddenly they runeverywhere, shouting.

I thought out house was getting broken into, or maybe being robbed.

And you could hear officers running around, clear,clear, clear, like something you see on TV.

With their guns pointed out, they pulled theblanket off of me, and said get up into the livingroom now.

I was scared.

They had the flashlight in my eye.

Who are they?

I don’t know what they were doing. I don’t know why.

He pulled his gun, and he put it right in the middle of my forehead.

Then I just looked over to my mom on the bed.

Right away, there was one man ordering me to getup. I said, OK, go away, I need to go put my scarfon.

He said, you need to get up right now. I said, youneed to go out of my room so I can cover myselfso I can get up. He won’t let me.

One, he said, I am from the FBI, another said I’mfrom the INS.

He just freaked out. He just went crazy. What are you doing? Go you have a gun? No. No, I don’thave a gun.

We went out into the living room and they tookpictures of my sister, and we were all crying.

And then, when they took us outside, theyhandcuffed my dad.

They handcuffed me in front of my children. Meand my wife, and my daughters.

Just put us in the cat, and drove us to the INSdetention.

We were living legally, above the ground, openlyin this country. We were obeying the law.

But that didn’t seem to matter. Safouh Hamoui,his wife Hanan, and 19-year-old daughter Nadinwere taken here, to the Seattle INS detentioncenter. It was a place that reminded them of theoppression they thought they had left behind.

Safouh Hamoui had been a pilot in the Syrian AirForce when bad weather forced him to make anemergency landing. Rather than receive any kindof praise, he was accused of attempting toassassinate his passengers, which included theSyrian vice president. He fled Syria, and appliedfor political asylum in the United States.

He settled with his family in Seattle, and heopened the area’s first Middle Eastern grocerystore. For 10 years, he and his family livedpeacefully, until his application for asylum wasdenied due to the incompetence of his lawyer. Hewas ordered deported, but he remained in the USwhile awaiting the outcome of his appeal. The FBIcleared Safouh four days after he was arrested,yet the Hamouis were still kept in prison.

When I went there, my heart almost stopped. Myblood pressure went crazy. It was so scary, sounfair. What’s going on? Why am I here? Why arepeople doing this to me?

I just couldn’t understand how they could dosomething like that. I know my dad fought so hardto come to this country for freedom, and just to beable to live without fear of prosecution because ofhis religion, or because of his job, or because ofwho he is. 10 years later, we find out that thecountry that we came here to save us is actuallydoing the same to us.

Why? Why? Because I’m Arabic? Because I’mwearing my scarf? Because I’m proud of myreligion? My religion is so beautiful. Do not be myenemy and torture me when I thought I was infreedom country. I can keep my religion. I canpractice my religion. I can. You know?

You’re in a four walled room, and it’s very small.And you’re in there with your mom, and she’s sick,and– We should have never been in jail, let alonea solitary room.

Just watching them behind bars, all three of themwere crying, were in tears. All three of them werein shock. They just wanted me to find out whatwas going on. And why they’re there.

10 months. Just imagine. 10 months. Day by day.

Media attention helped bring about the release ofNadin and her mother.

I had to hold my mom faint more than 11 timesright in front of my face.

Safouh was let out one month later because theINS had finally admitted he was not a flight risk.

Freedom. That’s what I’m here for. I came to thiscountry for the freedom. And I found I fight for thefreedom, and I’m here for the freedom.

His daughter Nadin, her own memories all tooapparent, rushed to embrace him.

[CRYING]

The Hamoui’s youngest daughter arrived homefrom school to find her father there. The fate ofthe Hamoui family still hangs in the balance. Theymay yet be deported.

I’ve lived here my whole life since I was three. Idon’t know anything. I can’t speak Arabic. I can’twrite it. If I go back to Syria, I have nothing.

The American people need to know whathappened in the name of safety. in the name offighting this war on terrorism, we lost our civilliberties over it. We lost our freedom. And that’swhat the terrorists want. They wanted us to fall apart. They wanted us not to become united.They wanted us to separate and turn against eachother. And I think they might have succeeded.

The government has argued that rounding up anddetaining people like the Hamouis is a vital step inthe war against terror. But top counterterrorismofficials say such policies have destroyed ourrelationship with the very communities that couldwarn law enforcement about an impendingterrorist attack.

The first line of defense against internationalterrorism is information. It’s intelligence. It meanshaving sources within communities. What wewere doing by all these roundups is alienatingthose communities, and making them moredistrustful of law enforcement, less inclined to becooperative, less inclined to volunteer and tocome forward when they have information thatwould be of material value to law enforcement.

It was the wrong way to go around it. We weretargeting communities from which there was noknown terrorism, and yet we were doing it on thebasis on stereotypes. It isn’t going to stop the next9/11.

Take a look at this man. Clean shaven, welldressed. He could be a young businessman, buthe’s about to fly a plane into the World TradeCenter.

A group like al-Qaeda has demonstrated that theyunderstand what the American conception of aterrorist is, and they do everything they can toundermine it. The 19 suicide bombers we know,for example, shaved their beards, and theydeliberately avoided mosques because they feltthat mosques were under scrutiny by the FBI.

That’s why, when you base your law enforcement,your anti-terrorism measures on stereotypes,you’re bound to fail.

Extension 14. Message received.

Oh, thank you, I have a consultation to makeabout a case that we’re handling, and we werewondering if we are required to turn overinformation about the immigration status of ourvictims. It is a very specific case where we mightasked for doing that, and we would like toeducate ourselves, get as much information as possible. Please call me back. My number is–

Can you believe that? I have a police departmentcalling, asking if they need to turn over theimmigration status of crime victims. Crimevictims. The victims of crime. That’s what’shappening since Attorney General Ashcroft hasgiven people the idea that state and local policeare supposed to be involved in enforcingimmigration laws. The victims of crime are notprotected any longer.

Ashcroft’s directive that local police enforceimmigration also means that, if an immigrantwitnesses a crime, they will now be afraid to comeforward, fearing that they may be deported oreven locked up indefinitely. That leaves criminalsto run free on the streets, which is exactly whypolice departments in Los Angeles and Seattlehave policies not to enforce immigration law.

What you’re doing is making local policemansurrogates for this enforcement. And they’re notversed in immigration law. They don’t understandimmigration law. They don’t know what the lawis. How can you ask them to go and enforce it? It’sterribly destructive of local law enforcement timeand resources.

The only way to find the real terrorists is throughthe hard job of investigative law enforcement.Investigating individual suspicious behavior thatpertains to a person who’s doing somethingwrong, as opposed to attacking an entire segmentof the population.

To focus on whole groups of individuals, wholeclasses of individuals who’ve done nothing morethan be born in the wrong country or worship thewrong God is poor law enforcement that makes usless safe.

But the Justice Department has ignored therecommendations of counterterrorism experts.Instead, they initiated a sweep of immigrants whoworked at the nation’s airports with the idea thatsuch mass arrests would prevent anotherhijacking.

And many of the people who were rounded up,the majority were Latinos. They had nothing to dowith terrorism, no terrorists were caught.Somehow, the government felt like the countrywould feel better if we rounded up people servingpizza and cleaning in the airports.

And mass deportations were secretly begun.

What the federal government did is, itcommissioned private commercial airliner jetsfrom different airlines, and it had these night timeair lift deportations. 60, 70, 80 Pakistaniindividuals in an airplane that might be aPortuguese airline jet that would take off in themiddle of the night and return people to Pakistan.

Nobody here would be notified. People will havevanished. Their families won’t have been able totrace them. We rounded up people that wereseeking political asylum in this country. We sentthem back to the place they were running from.

Reports began to filter back that people had beentortured in Syria, disappeared in Egypt, andmurdered in Pakistan.

We put all these people in terrible situations allaround the world, and the enormity of that, everyonce in awhile, overwhelms me. This can’t be thecountry that I grew up in.

The way America had treated the detainees wasso bad that the Justice Department’s InspectorGeneral found it necessary to issue a reportcondemning what had occurred.

A report came out and by the Office of theInspector General of the Department of Justicethat basically confirmed that all of these thingsdid happen.

This was not a report of outside critics. This was areport done by the Inspector General of theJustice Department itself, criticizing thehaphazard and the indiscriminate manner inwhich the rights of immigrants were trampledupon in the aftermath of 9/11.

Within a day or two afterwards, Attorney GeneralJohn Ashcroft got on the news and said, well,we’d it the same way all over again.

He insisted that he had done nothing wrong, thathe had no regrets, that he would do it all overagain.

This is the chief law enforcement officer of theUnited States that’s saying, well, yes, we’d redoall of these unconstitutional policies all overagain. And we’re just floored, because there’sanother department in our government justbasically saying, this is horrendous, and it can’thappen. And here’s our Attorney General saying, I don’t care.

What’s happening in Guantanamo is symptomaticof the way the government is proceeding in itswar against terrorism, which basically seems tobe anything goes.

Guantanamo Bay, Cuba a strange place for the USto have a military base. Set up after the Spanish-American War in 1903, the US has paid about$4,000 in rent to the Cuban government annually.Until recently, it was a little known outpost, butafter 9/11, the US government adopted a policythat would shock the rest of the world.

Guantanamo Bay was chosen as the place wherethe administration wanted to hold people thatthey picked up in the war on terrorism. No matterwhere they picked them up. From Afghanistan, orPakistan, or Bosnia, or anywhere else. And theyreally went around, and they looked. Where canwe hold people and not be subject to court reviewor any legal restrictions?

In Guantanamo, the US government insists that the men held are not entitled to the protections ofthe Geneva Convention, since they’re notprisoners of war, that they weren’t combatants ofa state power. And yet, by the same token, thegovernment argues that they’re not entitled to the protections of constitutional laws becausethey’re not held on American territory.

The administration chose Guantanamo as anisland outside the sovereignty of the UnitedStates, but subject to our exclusive control. Andthey did that for the specific purpose of avoidingthe law. Avoiding all the rules. The GenevaConventions, our Constitution.

By creating this label of terrorist, unlawful enemycombatant, they’re trying to use propaganda onwhy we shouldn’t care about them, why weshouldn’t ensure due process for them, and kindof sacrifice our values as Americans that we’veheld so high.

BBC reporter Vivienne White was allowed toaudiotape his visit to a place that had beenpreviously off limits to all journalists.

I’m walking now along the line of cells, which areeight foot by eight foot metal grids. We’re deepinside Camp Delta. I can now see a group of mendressed in white in t-shirts. These are detainees.They were just a few feet away, the other side ofthe wire, and one of them then spoke to all of usin English.

Are you a journalist? [INAUDIBLE] Can we talk to you?

We’re from BBC TV.

Thank you very much. After a long time, we’relucky you’re here.

Sorry?

After a long time, we’re lucky you’re here. It’s busyfor [INAUDIBLE]. We should have saw you before,but [INAUDIBLE].

Keep him walking.

All of us thought, when we started hearing aboutGuantanamo, that the people that were goingthere were people that were fighting for theTaliban, that were part of al-Qaeda. And thereprobably are a lot of people there that aren’t verynice. But what we quickly learned from groupsthat were permitted to go in to do civil rights andhuman right’s assessments is that there werepeople there that really didn’t belong there.

Because the battlefield in Afghanistan waseverywhere and anywhere. And so that meantthat anyone who was in and around was subjectto being brought in.

Whether they were fighting for al-Qaeda orfighting for the Taliban as the military suggests, orwhether they were simply in the wrong place atthe wrong time picked up by a bounty hunter whowanted to claim a reward that the military wasgiving out for bringing in al-Qaeda people.

There were men that were well into their 80s thatwere brought into this, and there were children.This wasn’t just people that were soldiers on thefield.

Moazzam Begg is a British national whose familysays he was installing wells in Afghanistan andteaching in Pakistan until shortly after 9/11.

I received a telephone call from my son. He said,dad, I’ve been arrested. And I said, what? Why? He said, I don’t know. I said, who has arrested you?He says, Americans, and I don’t know where they are taking me. And the line was disconnected.

For over a month after his arrest, his family had noidea of his whereabouts. Finally, they received aletter. He had been taken to Guantanamo Bay.

Everything about these detentions is designed torender these human beings into this state of totaldependence on the United States military. They’reheld in solitary, they’re manacled when pulled outfor interrogation. They’re interrogated at greatlength. They can’t reach out to anybody, theycan’t call a lawyer. They can’t call their families.

These people are entirely at the mercy of themilitary, with no end in sight to their detention.And, not surprisingly, there have been suicideattempts.

At last count, more than 30 of the GuantanamoBay detainees had tried to kill themselves.

We don’t hear about that anymore, because thegovernment no longer reports suicide attempts.

Begg’s family had no understanding of thegraveness of his circumstances. The few lettersthey did get from him avoided details altogether.

In fact, he was trying to avoid everything becauseI had bypass operation and I was not well enough,so he was not writing anything clear to me. After a year, I wrote to him that I’m very well. There’snothing wrong with me. Then, in response to that letter, he wrote me a letter saying that I’m pleasethat you’re well. Please to know that you can do all the activities, but my position is different.

I haven’t seen moon, sun, or natural light for thelast one year except two minutes. I’ve been keptlike an animal in a cage. They don’t give me food.They don’t give me water. My clothes are torn.[INAUDIBLE]. There is no one to help me. That’swhy I’m writing you. So please help me, if you can.That letter tore me apart.

I didn’t know what to do. So I got in touch withthe foreign office, and they said, we don’t haveany access. Americans won’t allow us to go there,so we do not know anything about him. If wehear, we’ll let you know. They never, ever didanything.

What Begg’s father is asking for his son isspecifically guaranteed in tenets of internationallaw. He wants an impartial trial.

If he’s guilty, he should be punished. If he’s notguilty, why should he be there?

The United States has refused to abide by theGeneva Conventions. There are the rules of warthat were developed after World War II. Basically,what they say is, when you capture people duringa war, you have to treat them humanely. You haveto give them medical assistance.

You have to, first of all, decide who they are. Theyget this right to this tribunal that decides, are youa prisoner of war, are you a civilian. Do you havenothing to do with this whatsoever?

In lieu of a trial, President Bush has declared thatcertain of the Guantanamo detainees, Moazzam Begg among them, will be subjected to a militarytribunal.

There is no presumption of innocence in thisprocess, because, to even go to a militarycommission, you have to be presumed to be aterrorist. And they’re using that as justification tolower the standards of justice that we’re used tohis country.

President Bush has already let it be known howhe feels about these people.

The only thing I know for certain is that these arebad people, and we look forward to workingclosely with the Blair government to deal with theissue.

The White House Counsel Alberto Gonzalesadvised the president to ignore the GenevaConventions at Guantanamo. He said the GenevaConventions are obsolete and quaint, and shouldn’t govern the way that we need toquestion prisoners there. Secondly, he said it’s agood thing from our standpoint if you say theGeneva Conventions don’t apply.

Because under US law, violations of the GenevaConventions can be prosecuted as war crimes. Sowe could be prosecuted for war crimes for notfollowing them. But if we say they don’t apply,then we have an excuse to say that we can’t beprosecuted.

We’ve heard recently that there are allegationsthat what we’ve seen at Abu Ghraib reallyoccurred at Guantanamo as well. And we knowthat General Miller, who was in charge ofGuantanamo and now is in charge of Iraq, saidthat he could violate the Geneva Conventions atGuantanamo.

One of the real concerns when we treat others likethis in the name of fighting a war is that othersfighting us can treat out soldiers like this.

We’re setting the standard under which we’regoing to say, it’s OK to do this to our servicemembers. It’s OK for North Korea to capture a UScitizen and label them an unlawful enemycombatant, and try them in our same systemwhere some army general is making all thedecisions, and he appoints a panel of just hisarmy officers to be the judge and jury.

When Donald Rumsfeld was asked how long canthese people be held, he said as long as the waron terrorism lasts. Then they asked him, when will we know when the war on terrorism is over. Hesaid, when there are no longer any terroristorganizations of potentially global reach left inthe world. Now, all of us have potentially globalreach today, and we’re never going to eliminatepolitical violence from the face of the earth.

So what he’s essentially saying is that we can holdthese people forever without ever charging themwith anything, without ever giving them a hearingof any kind.

Congress shall have the power to declare war andmake rules concerning captures on land andwater. Article one of the US Constitution. Lockedup indefinitely, no lawyer, no trial. If you think thiscan’t happen to an American citizen, think again.

We have disrupted an unfolding terrorist plot toattack the United States by exploding aradioactive dirty bomb.

I get a phone call in the car. The prosecutor callsup, he says your client was taken by the military.And I thought they were joking.

Thank you, but no comment at this time.

Newman’s client, Jose Padilla, had been held as amaterial witness for an entire month beforeAshcroft’s dramatic announcement. He had beencharged with no crime, but was seen as someonewho could provide information to a grand juryabout 9/11. Suddenly, he was being called aterrorist.

We know that Abdullah al-Muhajir is an al-Qaedaoperative.

Broadcasting live from Moscow, Ashcroftannounced the arrest as if Padilla had just beencaught in a terrorist act narrowly averted.

We know from multiple independent andcorroborating sources.

Nothing had happened from the time of his arrestfour weeks before until his designation. And theinformation that they had was the same. So, onehas to think, OK, so then what changed?

And I wanted to point out to Director Mueller–

Just prior to Ashcroft’s announcement, FBIwhistleblower Colleen Rowley had beenappearing before Congress. She was testifyingabout the lack of intelligence sharing between theFBI and CIA, and how they’d bungled thewarnings that might have prevented 9/11.

We need to streamline the FBI’s bureaucracy inorder to more effectively combat terrorism.

Now, Rowley’s issues seem passe, as the JusticeDepartment kept emphasizing that interagencycollaboration had led to Padilla’s capture and thecountry save from a terrorist attack.

–was a result of the close cooperative work of FBIagents and CIA agents.

–close collaboration among US governmentagencies.

But what had all this cooperation yielded?

Within hours, I mean 24 hours, the governmentthen had news conferences in which theybacktracked. And they said, well, it wasn’t really aplot. It was just in the talking stages.

I want to emphasize again, there was not anactual plan.

There were discussions about this possible plan,and it was in the discussion stage.

Certainly wasn’t at the point of having a specifictarget.

What’s remarkable is, when you read thegovernment’s papers, is that they insist that thegovernment does not have to charge Mr. Padillawith a crime.

They don’t really have any evidence of any crime.They have a notion that he might have met withpeople from al-Qaeda, but they don’t think he’s amember, and they said so in court papers.

So what was the sudden urgency? The cynicalamong us might believe it was to deflect Rowley’sdamaging information. The government wasn’tsaying. And with Padilla now locked up in solitaryconfinement in a Naval brig in South Carolina, hewasn’t able to explain anything either. Someinformation about Padilla began to surface.

As a teenager in Chicago, Padilla’s involvement ina murder committed by an older gang memberlanded him in juvenile detention. He later movedto Florida, and when he was 21, he went to prisonfor 10 months after firing a gun into the air duringan argument. Upon his release, he converted tothe Islamic faith at a center known for preachingnonviolence.

Over the next 10 years, his only run ins with thelaw were for minor traffic violations. His newreligion would take him to the Middle East, wherehe married his second wife. On a return trip to theUnited States, he was taken into custody.

Mr. Padilla was arrested at Chicago O’HareAirport. He was initially detained under thematerial witness statute, and only after they couldno longer hold him under that statute, they thenlabel him as an enemy combatant.

Padilla’s activities and his association with al-Qaeda make him an enemy combatant.

An enemy combatant? Where did you make upthat term? I really had never heard of it.

I thought the administration’s rules on militarytribunals said they would be only for non-American citizens. Is the whole point of holdinghim as a military combatant to be able to question him without using conventional criminalprocess?

His status, as the Attorney General said in hisstatement, is as an enemy combatant. He is beendetained under the laws of war as an enemycombatant.

If the president labels them an enemy combatant,or in President Bush’s words, a bad guy, they canbe held indefinitely, incommunicado, without ahearing, without charges.

Congress has already ruled on this. Congress said,you can’t ever use our military for domestic lawenforcement purposes. We don’t want you doingthat. We don’t want you to use the military toarrest citizens. We don’t want martial law, andthis president and this Attorney General says, Idon’t have to follow the rules.

Does he have legal representation at themoment?

He was being held under the authority of a federaljudge, and he had legal representation inconnection with that. Yes?

Does he now? Does he now?

I called the Department of Defense. I even calledthe White House. I got the response, he will not beable to call me. I will not be able to call him. I willnot be able to visit him. And while, of course, I canwrite to him, they would not guarantee that hewould receive my mail.

Although the government now claims that Padillamay have been involved in a plot to blow upapartment buildings, they have provided noevidence nor charged him with a crime.

The detention of an American citizen indefinitely,without counsel is based not only on hearsay– it could be triple hearsay for all we know– but theyadmit that one of the individuals who gave theinformation has lied to them in the past, has hisown agenda for giving information, and the otherinformant in quotes recanted.

We’ve never, in the history of the United States,had investigative detention. We don’t do that.Except, now we do.

Recently, the Supreme Court decided that enemycombatants such as the Guantanamo prisonersand Jose Padilla have the right to an attorney andaccess to a court of law. It remains to be seen howthe government will comply with this ruling.

The accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy andpublic trial, and be informed of the nature andcause of the accusation and to have theassistance of counsel for his defense. The SixthAmendment of the US Constitution.

Every step of the way, we’ve heard John Ashcrofttell the public, trust us, we’re the government.And yet, he refuses to release importantinformation that the public needs in order tounderstand what’s at stake.

Government claims of secrecy can rightfully beviewed with suspicion.

And the secret, secret, secret, as we have learnedin history, generally it’s they’re hiding their lack ofevidence. Korematsu is a perfect example.Korematsu is when the Japanese who wereinterned based on the government’s allegationthat these people were dangerous and had to beput in internment camps indefinitely until the warwas over.

Subsequently, after the war, everybody nowknows that the information that the governmentgave to the court was false. They misled the courton purpose. And the rest of the information, of course, they said was a secret, secret, secret. Andthe secret, secret, secret, was we don’t haveanything.

In 1953, at the height of the Cold War, thegovernment also misled the Supreme Court in thecase of US v. Reynolds. That ruling established thegovernment’s right to secrecy if it jeopardizednational security. But the Los Angeles Timesrecently revealed that the government used theNational Security claim to hide the truth aboutthe Air Force’s poor maintenance of a B-29bomber that crashed, killing nine people. Thenational security claim was a lie.

There’s a legacy of abuse of these very kind ofpowers. We went through the civil rightsmovement where the FBI and the CIA wereinvestigating the civil rights leaders, Martin LutherKing, the anti-war protesters, people who wereperceived to be the political enemies of thegovernment. This same authority is now vested inthe Justice Department by the Patriot Act, andthat’s a dangerous situation for Americans.

I can’t confirm or deny who our client is. I can’tconfirm or deny some of the arguments thatwe’ve made in our legal papers. I can’t even talkabout the basic facts about what has led thegovernment to try to seal this lawsuit from publicreview and from public scrutiny. I can’t talk aboutwhy the government insists that it jeopardizesnational security.

The ACLU has challenged some of theunconstitutional clauses present in the PatriotAct, but they have been gagged from even tellingthe American public what is going on.

Even as the president has made the Patriot Actone of the cornerstones of his re-electioncampaign, we can’t tell the public about thecircumstances and facts of our lawsuitchallenging a portion of the Patriot Act’sconstitutionality.

I think that the world is going to be more peacefuland free. As a result of this discussion, our fellowcitizens have a better understanding of theimportance of the Patriot Act and why it needs tobe renewed and expanded. The importance of thePatriot Act when it comes to defending America,our liberties, and at the same time, that it stillprotects our liberties under the Constitution–

The public needs to have the facts as it makes itsdecisions about whether or not the Patriot Actwent too far.

The ACLU is not the only organizations that hasbeen silenced by the Patriot Act. If librarians havebeen approached by the FBI, they, of course, can’ttell you that, because one of the rules in thePatriot Act is that you can’t tell, which is terrifying,really.

What it allows the government to do is to come inand subpoena your customer records to find outwhat books have been checked out or what booksthey’ve bought. It doesn’t allow the bookstore tocontact a lawyer to fight it. It’s all done throughforeign intelligence surveillance court, anddoesn’t give us an opportunity to stand up for ourcustomers.

At least when you get a subpoena from a localcourt because there’s reasonable cause tosuspect that someone has broken the law andtheir library records would contribute to theinvestigation, that’s what the law used to be, atleast you could tell anybody that you hadresponded to the subpoena.

And they don’t even reasonable suspicion toobtain records on you. Employment records,medical records, and even banking records.

The government has deputized the bankingindustry to spy on American consumers. What wesee is the possibility that banks, in doing theirpolicing duty for the government, are going to belooking at who we are, finding out moreinformation than they ought. It’s a very profitableplace for them, because they get to sellinformation about us.

You just wonder, are you giving the wrong peopletoo much authority?

Government agents can now check on who youare sending email to, who you are getting emailfrom, and what websites you visit by claiming it isrelevant to an investigation.

It requires no showing that the individual whoserecords are being sought actually engaged in orhad any connection to any kind of terroristconduct. So it basically makes all of us vulnerable.

When you look at the Patriot Act, you’re struck bythe fact that many of its provisions are not limitedto fighting terrorism. They affect federal criminallaw, and procedure, generally.

Most Americans believe that the Patriot Act wasfocused on the war on terror, and yet they’resurprised to find that there are portions of thePatriot Act that have nothing to do with the waron terror. In fact, there is one section of thePatriot Act that allows the government to conductdelayed notice searches, what we call sneak and peak searches.

Sneak and peek warrants are when the FBI wantsto search your property, and even removepossessions, and the Justice Department candelay notifying you. So you can think for weeks,even months, that you’ve been victimized by aburglar when really, the Justice Department hassend its agents into your home.

It gives the government the power to get warrantsfor secret searches of homes and secret wiretapsof phones without any showing of probable causethat an individual has engaged in criminalactivity, which is the usual constitutionalminimum required.

These Patriot Act powers are being used on ordinary petty crimes. On drug enforcement, oncrimes that have had nothing to do with terrorismor the terrorist attacks of September 11th. Whatmuch of the American public doesn’t fullyunderstand is that the USA Patriot Act createspermanent changes to our nation’s loss. Morethan 90% of the Patriot Act will remain aspermanent law unless, and until, we change it.

The right of the people to be secure in theirpersons, houses, papers, and effects againstunreasonable searches and seizures shall not beviolated, and no warrants shall issue but uponprobable cause, the Fourth Amendment to the USConstitution.

The police and the federal law enforcementauthorities working in coordination are targetingpolitical activists because of their speech,because of their thoughts, because of theiropposition to this administration.

If a place is a place to which the public is invited,and in which the public is welcome, it is a place inwhich the FBI is welcome.

I believe that the Justice Department has gonetoo far in changing the domestic spyingregulations that have been on the books for 25years.

The Bush Ashcroft administration scrapped therestrictions on domestic spying.

The FBI is instructing local police officers toinfiltrate peaceful protests.

I get very, very queasy when federal lawenforcement is effectively saying, going back tothe bad old days when the FBI was spying onpeople like Martin Luther King.

They’re not hunting down or looking for whatmost people would define as terrorism. They’respending their money, their time, the hours of theofficers, looking after peace groups, andchallenging peace groups, and disrupting andsurveilling peace organizations.

There are people in this country, millions of us,who stand with the people of the world.

I’m sorry?

Get that out of my face, or you’re going to getarrested too.

In Colorado, they had police officers in their midstgetting arrested with them. One of the policeofficers had come to one of their meetings thenight before an activity, and acting as an agentprovocateur, had tried to encourage the group totake more aggressive and violent conducttowards the police.

He called himself Chris, when in reality, his namewas Darren Christensen, of the Arapahoe CountySheriff’s department. The group refused to goalong with his suggestion. When the others werebeing led away by the police, Chris was caught ontape being greeted by fellow officers. A similarthing happened in Washington DC.

There was an agent provocateur that came to ameeting of people planning for protests andproposed to them that they should plant bombson bridges, or items that look like bombs, or callin bomb threats. And that was immediatelyrejected by the group of political activists whowere there.

But of course, people who were coming to ameeting for the first time and see someone in the meeting who says that, who appears to be one ofthe political activists, but of course is just a policeofficer pretending to be a political activist, thathas a hugely chilling effect on people’s organizingand on people wanting to come back andparticipate with that group.

The actions of the police on the very first day thatthe Bush administration came to power perfectlyillustrate the abuses that occur under Ashcroft’sdirective.

People came from across the United States toprotest along the parade route, engaging in apeaceful protest, chanting, holding signs,opposing the incoming administration. And theMetropolitan Police department deployed policeofficers, two of whom we caught on video, on anintelligence detail.

On the video, what you can see is two manentering the crowd, and these are two policeofficers in plainclothes. One of them is wearingcamouflage with a hat pulled down low. The otherone is wearing a red jacket and a full faced blackmask covering his face except for his eyes. Theystalked through a crowd of peaceful protestersalong the parade route, beating and pepperspraying people.

You can see the man in the red jacket shaking acan of pepper spray in his hand, which isgovernment issued pepper spray. You can see himuse the pepper spray, spraying it in close range inpeople’s faces and eyes. You can also see himspraying it in wide berths. And this is into a crowd of peaceful protesters, people standing along theparade route, people engaging in a classic firstamendment protected activity, and beingattacked by the police department.

Cop, you’re a sadist. You’re a pig! You’re a cop!

Congress shall make no law abridging thefreedom of speech or the right of the peoplepeaceably to assemble. The First Amendment tothe US Constitution. This George WashingtonUniversity Graduate is a rowing champion. He’sthe first African American to win the US nationals,and he’s the first to win an internationalcompetition. He travels the world competing forthe United States.

My name is Aquil Abdullah, and it’s a Muslimname. My full name is Aquil Hashim Abdullah.Aquil means intelligent, Hashim means destroyerof evil, and Abdullah means follower of God.

He considers himself a Catholic, like his mother,but he was given a name that reflects his father’sfaith. Since 9/11, travel for me has beensomewhat interesting. I was stopped for the firsttime at the airport in Philadelphia. They call overthe airport police. It took about two hours and 45minutes.

It somewhat disturbed me, but at the same time, Ifelt as though, well, maybe this is a good thing.We need to have something in place that protectspeople. But then it happened to me again, and Iwound up missing my flight.

Like most Americans, Aquil was willing to acceptadded airport security measures. But why was ithappening again and again? How could he clearhis name?

I want to represent my country in every way, butonce you’re on the plane, you feel as thoughpeople are still looking at you as a possible threat.

It turned out, his name had been put on a speciallist. This was happening all over the US in aseemingly arbitrary fashion. David Lindorff brokethe no fly story in Salon magazine.

You don’t get a lot of confidence that theTransportation Security Administration’s list isreally doing anything to make us any safer,especially when you see some of the ridiculousthings that they’re doing. We have 71-year-oldnun who was simply flying with some students tolobby their congressmen.

Numerous people with the name David Nelson,which is obviously a very common name, werestopped at the airport and questioned inconnection with being on the no fly list.

They stopped a guy who had the unfortunatename Padilla, the alleged dirty bomber, but he’dalready been caught months before and was in amilitary brig in South Carolina.

Hundreds or possibly thousands of innocentpeople are stopped and detained at our airportsbecause of their name, when in fact, all of thatdoes nothing to improve security.

Many of the individuals who have been stoppedare people who have been critical of the Bushadministration’s policies.

I got stopped at the screening machines, and Iguess they asked me some questions, and theylooked at my ID, and then the next thing I knew isthey told me that they wanted to search me.There’s a little screen that’s there that’s a twopartition screen, and they tell me to go behind thescreen.

And I go behind the screen, and it blocks yourview from the people coming in this way. It doesn’t block your view this way. Well, I didn’treally know what they were going to do is not onlymake me take off my jacket and everything else Iwas wearing, but they made me pull my pantsdown. And I had my shoes off, my pants weredown around my ankles.

And there’s people walking this way, and there’snothing screening me from the rest of the airportthis way. So it’s like a little show there.

The government has now decided everyone willget a terrorism risk assessment. But who’s goingto sort through the data of the millions ofAmericans who fly, and what will be the criteriaused to decide who poses a risk? Besidesoverloading law enforcement with uselessinformation, these techniques reinforce thefeeling that no one has a real plan for catchingterrorists, and that everyone is a suspect.

The end result is a country of Americans rattingon each other, turning each other, calling thepolice. It happened to Andrew O’Connor in Utahwhen a security guard overheard him saysomething the guard thought was dangerous in acollege library.

A girl sat down next to me, and she had a no warbutton on. And I said, you know, George Bush isout of control. I would guess probably 30 minuteslater, I looked over my shoulder and there werefour Santa Fe a police officers standing behindme, and the one officer says to me, stand up, putyour hands behind your back.

And AJ Brown, a student in North Carolina, foundagents at her door eager to inspect the tip theyhad about un-American activities going on insideher apartment. They were referring to this poster.

They flipped out their badges and they said that they were from the Raleigh department of theSecret Service branch and whatnot, and I was like,whoa.

It got to the point where ratting on each other hadbecome institutionalized with the creation ofTIPS, the conceive Terrorism Information andPrevention System.

The idea was, they were going to try to get peoplein jobs like electric meter readers, telephonerepairmen, UPS delivery people, people intransportation like bus drivers and taxi drivers,and then homeowners, just people to report ontheir neighbors. And all these people would reportany suspicious activity.

20 million Americans spying on each other. Thatwas the target number that they were looking for.In order to see what was going on with the TIPSprogram, I signed up to be a volunteer. They hadan online sign up, and I must have waited severalweeks. I was anxiously hoping to get my decoderring and my spy kit, and nothing came.

So after a while, I called the Justice Department,and the woman said, well, we have set up with theFBI this 800 number for you to call. So I dialed the800 number and I got this perky woman’s voicesaying America’s Most Wanted. And I was taken aback, and I asked, well, isn’t this the FBI? I thought I was calling the FBI.

She said, no, this is the Fox TV program America’sMost Wanted. We’re working with the JusticeDepartment on the TIPS program. So this is theultimate in privatization turning over this wholeintelligence operation to Fox TV. The FBI deniedusing Fox TV, but Lindorff and Salon magazinestand by the story. Shortly after it hit the press,the Justice Department killed the program.

This kind of process, which the law enforcementpeople call shaking the trees, that might’ve beenmaybe minimally acceptable in the couple ofweeks after September 11th. But two years later,it is not, because there hasn’t done anything.

Another instance of shaking the trees is takingplace in scuba diving shops all across the country.We got a phone call from the LAPD on behalf ofthe FBI, and they served us with a subpoena. Thesubpoena was worded in such a way that theysaid they wanted the names of all of ourcustomers for the past three years.

That would include people who’ve done scubatraining. That would include people who came in and bought a book. If you came in and wereinterested in buying a snorkel, then I had to turnover your name to the FBI. The thought was thatterrorists were going train themselves as scubadivers, swim into ports and harbors, and blowthings up.

Basically, you’re talking about training people likeNavy SEALS train for years, and years, and years,and a lot of them can’t do this. It’s an incrediblycomplex skill. And I think, if anybody said, thissort of makes sense, and you think there’s a plotgoing on, you’re going to be happy to cooperate.

But again, this was just such a broad based fishingexpedition, that it’s a waste of their time as wellas a terrible infringement upon constitutionalguarantees that have been in place for over 200years. And so at that point, we said flat out, wewill not give you any names from our customerdatabase because we feel that the subpoenaviolated our Fourth Amendment rights tounreasonable search and seizure.

So when we said to them, we want to go before ajudge, they really balked. Our attorneys went backand forth a couple of times, and finally theywithdrew the subpoena. Had they gone to courtand lost, which I think they would have, theproblem is this voluntary cooperation is suddenly going to dry up. It would set a precedent. They donot have a right to get certain information. Theyare not allowed to ask you, give me all yournames, nor do you have to comply.

Attorney General Ashcroft accused librarians ofbeing hysteric about the Patriot Act. And whenyou understand all the libraries in the countrythat had been visited by FBI agents wantinginformation, I don’t think that their response washysteric at all. The FBI, or somebody, can’tsubpoena what we don’t have.

Lots of libraries across the country are shreddingtheir records just as we are. The second thing wedid was to post warning signs alerting our patronsto the fact that we were no longer going to be ableto protect their constitutional right to privacy.Most people really believe that public libraries aresacred institutions where what they go in andread is nobody’s business but their own.

If this nation is to be wise as well as strong, we areto achieve our destiny, then we need more newideas for more wise men reading more goodbooks in more public libraries. These librariesshould be open all except the censor. Let uswelcome controversial books and controversialauthors, for the Bill of Rights is a guardian of oursecurity as well as our liberty, John F. Kennedy.

Noncompliance has become a watchword ascommunities across America fight back againstthe destruction of civil liberties.

The oath of office, as a city council person, is todefend and uphold the Constitution against allenemies domestic and foreign. And it’s time totake back the government from an executivebranch that is running berserk.

Dave Meserve sponsored a resolution makingArcata, California, a civil liberties safe zone from the Patriot Act. If the police are requested byfederal agents to participate in a search or anarrest procedure that they perceive to be possiblyunconstitutional, then it is incumbent upon themunder our ordinance to refuse to cooperate at thattime, and to immediately notify the council thatthey’ve been asked to do that.

What we need to do is band together in states, inmunicipalities, and say, not in our town, you don’tenforce these unconstitutional laws.

Fear strikes really close to home. It is a local issue,and we’ve had quite a bit, quite enough of it inthis community since the Patriot Act was passed. Iwould submit to you, the Eugene City Council,that courage is the antidote to fear.

And I really urge you to have the courage to passthis resolution of the Lane County Bill of RightsDefense Committee, which opposes the portionsof the Patriot Act that are against theConstitution, that are against our rights under theBill of Rights.

You can say to yourself, well, it’s not going toaffect me. I don’t have any political dissidentviews. It’s not going to affect me, I’m not an immigrant. It’s not going to affect me, I’m notgoing to be investigated by the state or the police.It’s not going to affect me, I’m not going to besubject to any searches or seizures. Throughoutour histories, that sort of philosophy has notreally made America move forward. It has heldAmerica back. With that philosophy, certainpeople would be interned. Oh, god. Certainpeople are about to become interned.

Motion carries unanimously.

[CHEERING]

Now, four states and more than 300 municipalitieshave joined the cities of Arcata and Eugene inpassing resolutions against the Patriot Act.

We were very amused by comments from aJustice Department spokesman who says that,obviously, federal law trumps local law. If thefederal government would like to come and saythat somehow they are going to make uswithdraw our ordinance, to quote our president, Isay, bring them on.

We’ve always thought of ourselves as the city on the hill, the model for democracy that we wouldlike to disseminate throughout the world. And yet,by our actions after September 11th, we havedestroyed that model.

The designation of enemy combatant, to holduntil cleared policy, the disregard of the GenevaConvention, the infiltration of groups and firstamendment activities, all of that happenedwithout Congress’s say so, input, and without apublic debate about whether or not thegovernment was going too far, too fast.

This is not an issue of the left and the right. This isan issue of our basic freedoms.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

Some of our values aren’t written in paper, but have been established and grown through ourhistory. And the intangible values that makeAmerica great and have the presence around thatit does, and be looked to as a leader, we need tostick to those intangible values as well.

The United States really is different from othercountries. We’re not like France, or England, orJapan. We’re not bound together by a commonrace or a common religion. What binds thiscountry together are our principles, mostimportantly, democracy, fairness, and the rule oflaw.

The American public has to remind itself not justwhat is it that we’re fighting against, but whatwe’re fighting for.

These core values that define us as a country arewhat makes us strong as a nation. They’re not ourweakness.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

First they came for the Muslims, and I didn’t speakup, because I wasn’t a Muslim. Then they came forimmigrants, detaining them indefinitely, solelyupon the certification of the Attorney General,and I didn’t speak up, because I wasn’t animmigrant. Then they came to enter homes andoffices for unannounced sneak and peeksearches, and I didn’t speak up, because I hadnothing to hide.

Then they came to arrest Americans Citizens andhold them indefinitely without any charges, andwithout access to lawyers, and I didn’t speak up,because I would never be arrested. Then theycame for immigrants and students from selectedcountries, luring them under the requirements ofspecial registration as a roost to seize them anddetain them.

And I didn’t speak up, because I wasn’t requiredto register. Then they came for anyone whoobjected to government policy, because it onlyaided the terrorists and gave ammunition toAmerica’s enemies. And I didn’t speak up,because I didn’t speak up. And then they came forme, and by that time, no one was left to speak up.

Response12

The topic being discussed:

 

The role of alternative correction system is to punish the offender, protect the population from criminals and be able to rehabilitate the offender fully. Alternate corrections systems positively impact the management and administration of the jails, prisons among other correction centers.

 

In the US currently, there are suggested alternative correction system than can be used they include; parole, rehab, job training and community service among others (Gottschalk, 2016).

 

With this services, the people can reform entirely while still working efficiently for the community in the way they are designed to operate. In conclusion, with the use of alternative correction systems in the US, there is a better chance of the correction of achieving the objective of correction centers which is punished, protect and offer rehab facilities.

 

Your above statements got me thinking about options to incarceration.  There are a wide range of options available that could decrease overcrowding and still keep the community safe.  These options can range from having the individual participate in any of the following programs:

 

–     Intensive Supervised Probation

–     Drug and Other Problem-Solving Courts

–     Community Service Programs

–     Home Detention

–     Electronic Monitoring

–     Day Reporting Centers

 

Please answer this question that is in blue below with at least 150 words to respond to this discussion topic above. The response should include cited information if used and reference for the information to support your response.

 

From the list above, which one (please select and discuss only one) option do you see as being used more in the future to impact overcrowding?  Explain your selection.

 

Law

PharmaCARE (We CARE about YOUR health®) is one of the world’s most successful pharmaceutical companies, enjoying a reputation as a caring, ethical and well-run company that produces high-quality products that save millions of lives and enhance the quality of life for millions of others (Note: PharmaCARE is a hypothetical company that you will to compare to a real company as noted in the assignment criteria below). The company offers free and discounted drugs to low-income consumers, has a foundation that sponsors healthcare educational programs and scholarships, and its CEO serves on the PhRMA board. PharmaCARE recently launched a new initiative, We CARE about YOUR world®, pledging its commitment to the environment through recycling, packaging changes and other green initiatives, despite the fact that the company’s lobbying efforts and PAC have successfully defeated environmental laws and regulations, including extension of the Superfund tax, which was created by Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA).

 

Based in New Jersey, PharmaCARE maintains a large manufacturing facility in the African nation of Colberia, where the company has found several “healers” eager to freely share information about indigenous cures and an abundance of Colberians willing to work for $1.00 a day, harvesting plants by walking five (5) miles into and out of the jungle carrying baskets that, when full, weigh up to fifty (50) pounds. Due to the low standard of living in Colberia, much of the population lives in primitive huts with no electricity or running water. PharmaCARE’s executives, however, live in a luxury compound, complete with a swimming pool, tennis courts, and a golf course. PharmaCARE’s extensive activities in Colberia have destroyed habitat and endangered native species.

 

In preparation for this assignment, use the Internet to research companies that have recently experienced negative consequences as a result of the company’s corporate activities. Compare the facts and consequences surrounding the companies you have researched to PharmaCare to support your response(s) to the criteria below.

 

Write a six (6) page paper in which you:

 

Describe the key characteristics of a stakeholder and determine all the stakeholders within the PharmaCARE scenario.

Analyze the human rights issues presented by PharmaCARE’s treatment of the Colberia’s indigenous population versus that of its executives. Recommend at least three (3) changes PharmaCARE can make to be more ethical going forward.

Assess PharmaCARE’s environmental initiative against the backdrop of its anti-environmental lobbying efforts and Colberian activities. Support the position.

Decide whether or not PharmaCARE’s actions with respect to the indigenous people of Colberia would be ethical in accordance with each of the following ethical theories:

 

Utilitarianism

Deontology

Virtue ethics

Ethics of care

Your own moral / ethical compass

Compare PharmaCARE’s actions with those of at least one (1) real-world company, whose corporate activities led to ethical, environmental, or workplace safety issues and financial loss. Analyze the similarities and differences between PharmaCARE and the company that you chose.

Use at least three (3) quality resources in this assignment. Note: Wikipedia is not an acceptable reference and proprietary Websites do not qualify as academic resources.

The specific course learning outcomes associated with this assignment are:

 

Analyze and evaluate laws that protect against discrimination in the workplace.

Examine and assess employee rights to health and safety in the workplace.

Analyze environmental protection laws and assess their impact on organizations.

Use technology and information resources to research issues in law, ethics, and corporate governance.

Write clearly and concisely about law, ethics, and corporate governance using proper writing mechanics.

Fear Management and Terrorism 3

You are the senior civilian advisor to the emergency response manager (ERM). The ERM realizes that the psychological impact of a mass-casualty incident (MCI) can be devastating. The ERM is prepared to handle the incident response with emergency personnel and equipment, but he is unsure if the city is prepared for the psychological aftermath. As his senior advisor, you have been asked to generate a white paper study of past MCIs and their psychological impact.

The ERM wants the white paper to include 1 terrorist MCI and 1 natural MCI. You are to choose 1 from each category below:

 

Terrorist MCIs

Natural MCIs

 

 

Sarin Gas Attack, Japan (1995)

Hurricane Katrina, United States (2005)

Oklahoma City Bombing, United States (1995)

Tsunami, Indian Ocean (2004)

Madrid Train Bombings, Spain (2004)

Flooding, Pakistan (2010)

Bali Nightclub Bombings, Indonesia (2002)

Galtür Avalanche, Austria (1999)

 

Assignment Guidelines

  • Address the following in 900 words:
    • For each of the selected mass-casualty incidents, discuss the following:
      • Provide a detailed overview of the incident.
      • What was the number of victims killed and wounded?
      • What psychological symptoms are exhibited by direct attack victims?
        • If one is available, include a diagnosis.
      • What psychological symptoms are exhibited by indirect victims, such as family members, friends, and coworkers of the direct victims?
      • What immediate and long-term treatment plans exist for the victims?
  • Remember to fully support your arguments with scholarly resources.
  • Be sure to reference all sources using APA style. 

Homeland Security DB3

As you learned this week, organizations or sectors have industry- or mission-related policies, guidance, or regulations that are available to assist managers with determining security and safety requirements. In some cases, there is little or no guidance, so policies must be created internally. There are pros and cons to both situations.

Primary Task Response: Within the Discussion Board area, write 400 words that respond to the following questions with your thoughts, ideas, and comments. This will be the foundation for future discussions by your classmates. Be substantive and clear, and use examples to reinforce your ideas.

  • Discuss in full what types of conditions or factors might exist within an organization that will likely require firm and specific guidance. 
    • Discuss in detail at least 3 examples, and explain why each would benefit from stricter oversight (For example, safe-handling procedures for employees in a chemical company).
  • What types of operational or security-related activities in an organization would benefit more from little or no externally-prescribed standards? 
    • Name and discuss in detail at least 3 examples. 
    • Why do you believe that these activities should be less regulated, and how will security and safety benefit from more flexibility in standards? 
  • Return to Line-Tel’s scenario from the week’s lesson. Click on the following link for the scenario:  Line-Tel Scenario.
  • Assuming the role of the corporate-level (that means oversight of all personnel and facilities) vice president for corporate security, identify, describe, and make persuasive arguments about 3 specific activities, programs, or initiatives in the company that you would argue should receive the highest priority for resourcing and attention.
    • How did you select these priorities?
    • How would you win approval and support for designating any one of these a priority?

Cryptography

 

A Brief History of Cryptography

In this essay, discuss what you have learned on cryptography and how this method to secure information has changed over the decades. Provide a few examples of how cryptography actually secures data. In addition to the video, choose one other scholarly reference to support your discussion.

Requirements:

  • Submit in a Word document.
  • Include cover page
  • Must be a minimum of two pages (excluding references and cover page)
  • Appropriate APA format is required.
  • Properly cite and reference any borrowed resource(s)

Rubric

Content

Proficient
81 – 100 points

Acceptable
61 – 80 points

Below Standard
0 – 60 points

Total

Content is relevant, well-selected, and demonstrates good understanding of technologies that are required for this course.

Content is somewhat relevant, well-selected, and demonstrates a general understanding of technologies that are required for this course.

Content is not relevant, not well-selected, and does not demonstrate a general understanding of technologies that are required for this course.

Grammar and Format

Proficient
81 – 100 points

Acceptable
61 – 80 points

Below Standard
0 – 60 points

Content demonstrates exceptional spelling and grammar. Content flows well and to enhance communication. Few or no errors that they do not impede overall readability.

Content demonstrates acceptable spelling and grammar. Content flows well and to enhance communication. Few or no errors that they do not impede overall readability.

Content does not demonstrate acceptable spelling and grammar. Content does not flow well and does not enhance communication. Multiple errors impede overall readability.

CRJ 325 Case Study 1: The Officer and the Drug Arrest

Officer Jones is a veteran officer with the Smithville police department. He received information that a citizen living in the local housing project was selling drugs. This information was conveyed to Officer Jones by an anonymous caller to the officer on his personal cell phone. Officer Jones immediately went to the housing project and stopped the citizen as he was leaving his apartment. Officer Jones searched the citizen and found drugs.

 

Write a one to two (1-2) page paper in which you:

  1. Identify the constitutional amendment that would govern Officer Jones’ actions. In your own opinion, discuss if you support his actions or not. Justify your answer using the appropriate case law and Supreme Court precedents. 
  2. Analyze the validity and constitutionality of Officer Jones’ actions. 
  3. Determine whether or not Officer Jones’ actions were justified by any of the three (3) ways whereby probable cause can be established. Provide a rationale for your response.
  4. Use at least two (2) quality references.

Be typed, double spaced, using Times New Roman font (size 12), with one-inch margins on all sides; citations and references must follow APA or school-specific format. 

 

Points: 100

Case Study 1: The Officer and the Drug Arrest

Criteria

 

Unacceptable

Below 60% F

Meets Minimum Expectations

60-69% D

 

Fair

70-79% C

 

Proficient

80-89% B

 

Exemplary

90-100% A

1. Identify the constitutional amendment that would govern Officer Jones’ actions. In your own opinion, discuss if you support his actions or not. Justify your answer using the appropriate case law and Supreme Court precedents.

Weight: 35%

Did not submit or incompletely identified the constitutional amendment that would govern Officer Jones’ actions. Did not submit or incompletely discussed if you supported his actions or not. Did not submit or incompletely justified your answer using the appropriate case law and Supreme Court precedents.

Insufficiently y identified the constitutional amendment that would govern Officer Jones’ actions. Insufficiently discussed if you supported his actions or not. Insufficiently justified your answer using the appropriate case law and Supreme Court precedents.

Partially identified the constitutional amendment that would govern Officer Jones’ actions. Partially discussed if you supported his actions or not. Partially justified your answer using the appropriate case law and Supreme Court precedents.

Satisfactorily identified the constitutional amendment that would govern Officer Jones’ actions. Satisfactorily discussed if you supported his actions or not. Satisfactorily justified your answer using the appropriate case law and Supreme Court precedents.

Thoroughly identified the constitutional amendment that would govern Officer Jones’ actions. Thoroughly discussed if you supported his actions or not. Thoroughly justified your answer using the appropriate case law and Supreme Court precedents.

2. Analyze the validity and constitutionality of Officer Jones’ actions.
Weight: 25%

Did not submit or incompletely analyzed the validity and constitutionality of Officer Jones’ actions.

Insufficiently analyzed the validity and constitutionality of Officer Jones’ actions.

Partially analyzed the validity and constitutionality of Officer Jones’ actions.

Satisfactorily analyzed the validity and constitutionality of Officer Jones’ actions.

Thoroughly analyzed the validity and constitutionality of Officer Jones’ actions.

3. Determine whether or not Officer Jones’ actions were justified by any of the three (3) ways whereby probable cause can be established. Provide a rationale for your response.

Weight: 25%

Did not submit or incompletely determined whether or not Officer Jones’ actions were justified by any of the three (3) ways whereby probable cause can be established. Did not submit or incompletely provided a rationale for your response.

Insufficiently determined whether or not Officer Jones’ actions were justified by any of the three (3) ways whereby probable cause can be established. Insufficiently provided a rationale for your response.

Partially determined whether or not Officer Jones’ actions were justified by any of the three (3) ways whereby probable cause can be established. Partially provided a rationale for your response.

Satisfactorily determined whether or not Officer Jones’ actions were justified by any of the three (3) ways whereby probable cause can be established. Satisfactorily provided a rationale for your response.

Thoroughly determined whether or not Officer Jones’ actions were justified by any of the three (3) ways whereby probable cause can be established. Satisfactorily provided a rationale for your response.

4. 2 references

Weight: 5%

No references provided

Does not meet the required number of references; all references poor quality choices.

Does not meet the required number of references; some references poor quality choices.

Meets number of required references; all references high quality choices.

Exceeds number of required references; all references high quality choices.

5. Clarity, writing mechanics, and formatting requirements

Weight: 10%

More than 8 errors present

7-8 errors present

5-6 errors present

3-4 errors present

0-2 errors present

WK2SCV

Write 150 words about the video below. No title page. Need to cite and reference. What are you thoughts about the video? Do you think school crime is in issue yes or no? Explain. What did you like about video? What did you not like about video? Is there anything that should be talked about more in detail about the topic and the video?

 

School crime: Campus combat zone [Video file]. (1994). Retrieved April 10, 2017, from http://fod.infobase.com/PortalPlaylists.aspx?wID=18566&xtid=7704

 

That is once again making headlines here in San Antonio.

Police have issued an arrest warrant for a 14-year-old boy. They say he’s the one who shot and killedanother 14-year-old.

An attempted burglary at a northwest side churchended violently tonight with a–

Arrested two alleged gang members in the carjacking and murder of a Dallas man in SanAntonio–

Juvenile crime is up over 400%, and the age ofthose kids getting arrested, shot, and buriedcontinues to get younger and younger.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

Hello, and welcome to School Crime: CampusCombat Zone. I’m Larry Estepa.

Would it surprise you to hear that gunshotwounds are a leading cause of death among high-school age children in the United States, secondonly to motor vehicle deaths?

It’s estimated that students carry more than100,000 guns to school every day. Schools thatwere once thought of as safe havens have fallenvictim to crime and violence, with our nation’schildren caught in the crossfire.

In the next half hour, we’ll hear what the Bureauof Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms is going to doabout guns in the hands of juveniles. And we’llvisit with officers from two different areas of thecountry about this problem.

When you’re finished watching today’s program,you’ll know various methods and techniques forkeeping weapons out of schools. In addition, youwill have a better understanding of the rulesgoverning search and seizure when juveniles areinvolved.

Let’s begin by taking a look at what the Bureau ofAlcohol, Tobacco and Firearms is doing aboutweapons in the hands of juveniles.

It’s an all too familiar scene in the nation’s capital.But even worse, it’s a phenomena that’sspreading across the country. Kids are killing kidsand others with guns at an alarming rate. Evenareas long considered safety zones are nowthreatened.

Each day, 100,000 students take guns to school.While Congress considers legislation which willhave impact on this problem, it is imperative thatwe do everything humanly possible withinexisting law to curb this terrible trend.

ATF is making the tracing of guns involved injuvenile crimes its highest priority, and is shiftingresources to beef up its National Tracing Center tohandle the job.

The ultimate objective is to try to determinewhere these guns are coming from that get intothe hands of children.

McGaw went to local law enforcement to help findanswers to some tough questions.

How many of them are being stolen fromresidences or friends’ houses where they’re in adrawer or in a dresser drawer? How many of themare being received through trades of some kind ofappliances or things like that that are beingstolen, radios, TVs, and that kind of thing? Howare these children getting these weapons?

The Bureau wants all guns linked to juvenile crimetraced, not just the ones needed to solve aparticular case. That’s because there may havebeen crimes committed along the. Way

When a person sells a gun to a juvenile, we mustexercise every detail of the state and local law tosee if that adult can be prosecuted. We have tolook at the district attorney and the localprosecutors and say, this adult sold a handgun toa juvenile. What laws are on the books within yourlocal state county jurisdiction?

In addition to increasing arrests of juvenile guntraffickers, ATF hopes the tracing efforts will leadto innovative solutions.

Knowledge is power. If we can tell local lawenforcement that, say, 50% of all the handgunsare taken from home burglaries, have we caughtthe person? No. But we know now to safeguardagainst home burglaries.

Where there’s a predominant problem with homeburglaries in a geographical area, local lawenforcement can go out and say, hey, we had 500guns in the hands of juveniles. Well, people, 50%of those guns came from home burglaries. Lockyour doors. Close you windows. Safeguard yourweapons. And we can cut it down. We need to tellthe community what to do.

There is a strong commitment at ATF on this andother programs to work closely with local lawenforcement, and to respond quickly to theirneeds.

When the phone rings and it’s local lawenforcement, we will almost put down anythingelse we’re doing and go to help. Whether it’sarson, whether it’s explosives, whether it’sfirearms, whatever it might be within ourjurisdiction.

And that toll-free number nationwide is 1-800-ATFGUNS.

Recently, LETN’s Dave Smith traveled to Orlando,Florida to talk with Jim Corbett, who is thepresident of the National School ResourceOfficer’s Association. Jim has also been an SROfor the past 15 years, and has very enlighteningthings to say about crime and violence in schools.

Jim, you’ve been a school resource officer for 15years. That’s a long time. You’ve seen a lot ofchanges in the schools at a very tough social timein our country. Talk about what you’ve seenchange in schools.

I think the school environment is basically thesame. What’s different is the baggage kids arebringing into the schools. Our kids are a lotdifferent because of societal changes. The brokenfamilies, we all hear about that– the brokenfamilies, the violence in the home. It’s very hard toteach a kid when he’s coming to school, he got offwork at 2 o’clock in the morning, or he hasn’teaten since he left school the day before, andhasn’t eaten in 22, 23 hours.

These are the kinds of approaches that kids arebringing into schools. The gang influence, theneighborhood influence, the family influence. It’sa lot different. The pressures to be a kid right noware a lot different than what we experienced quitea few years ago.

Right. The social changes have a direct effect onthe kids’ attitudes, also?

And their ability to learn. It’s very hard to teach akid– he sees no reason to sit in a history classwhen he’s having to worry about whether he’sgoing to get home tonight without getting shot.

And that, to these kids, is on their mind?

Sure. It would be on ours, wouldn’t it? They’re nodifferent than we are. These kids bring the weightwith them to school, and they have to take ithome. And they’ve got to go home and live in thesame environment. A Pollyanna where you go toschool and everything’s happy and you learn, andyou get your education, and you go out and makemillions of dollars– these kids don’t see that intheir future. They’re worried about tomorrow.They’re worried about tonight.

How does this manifest itself in their behaviors?

Short attention span, more violent. Becausethey’re more violent in the community. Whensomebody makes you mad, you strike out atthem.

When we were kids in high school, somebodymade you mad, you fought after school, and itwas over. That was probably your best friend, andthe next day at school you laughed about it. Nowwhen somebody makes you mad, you go homeand get your gun, or your knife, or your stick, orwhatever, and you attempt to hurt them. And youhurt them as badly as you possibly can.

And we see this growth in gang activity related tothat, somewhat.

I think so. There’s nobody at home. There’snobody in the house. There’s nobody to take careof them. They’re looking for some kind of groupidentity, someone that cares.

And right now on the street, who cares the most?Your homeboy or homegirls. They care. They willaccept you for all your shortcomings. They willaccept you. You don’t have to have A’s and B’s tobe accepted. You don’t get yelled at if you fail. Youdon’t get yelled at if you quit school. You’reaccepted. You’re part of the group.

And they’re looking for that group identity.They’re looking for that sense of belonging.They’re looking for someone that cares for them.And they’re getting that from the gangs or fromyouth groups or whatever.

One way or the other, they’re going to find it.

Exactly.

What are the reactions you’ve seen from teachersand administrators toward SRO’s?

When you first go into the program, there’s a lot ofmisconceptions about what you’re going to bethere for anyway. A lot of teachers, when you firstgo into the schools, see you as threatening.What’s he here for?

Their only contact with a law enforcement officermay have been when they got a speeding ticketwhen they were late to class and they were tryingto get to school or trying to get back to school.And they have to see that you are, first andforemost, a human being, a person. And that’swhen you’ll begin to make changes.

After you’ve been there for a while, theadministrators a lot of times see you asthreatening, that you’re there to take some oftheir power, some of their responsibilities. Butwe’re there to work with them. And that’s whatit’s all about.

But don’t you also council them on things likesearch and seizure and other things?

Definitely. Administrators who have had theprogram for any length of time, when asked aboutthe program, the effectiveness, a lot of themwould rather give up one of their administratorsor a teaching position than give up the schoolresource officer when funding becomes aproblem.

But I think a lot of times that we are there as atool for them. They still handle the administrativediscipline. They can still do everything they’vebeen doing. We make counseling and give themsome ideas on how they can do their jobs better.We do some security surveys for them. But theystill do their job, and then we work in conjunctionwith them. Searches and seizures.

And the principals and assistant principals areheld or burdened– reasonable suspicion, whichcan be almost anything. Rumor, notes, he said,she said. And their searches are legal withreasonable suspicion. And then they can turn theresults of that search over to us. It becomesprobable cause for arrest at that point.

Speaking of search and seizure, if you’re with theprincipal and they’re going to do a search andseizure or a search, are you allowed to be withthem?

As long as they’re not acting as our agent. As longas we haven’t said, hey, you need to go searchJohn Smith. He may have a gun in his pocket. Aslong as we’re not directing them. We can still bethere with them to maintain their security.

And that’s something that, a lot of times, lawenforcement officers and educators don’t realize.That as long as we don’t participate in the search,as long as we don’t direct them to do the search,it’s fine for us to be there.

And that’s, again, the partnership. You’ve got tolearn. You’ve got to learn from each other. And it’sa process. It doesn’t happen overnight. The trustisn’t there. The learning process takes a long time.

How often do you see guns and knives in school?

Too often. Too often. One gun a year is way toomany. The weapons on campus have become aproblem.

But it’s no different– it’s probably better oncampus than it is in the community. Kids withweapons are a problem. A lot of times when youhear about young people involved in weapons, it’snot kids that are going to school anyway. It’s thedrop outs or the throw outs. But because oursociety is more violent– and we talked about it–our society is more violent when somebodymakes you mad and you strike out at them, you try to hurt them.

The weapons are available. They’re too readilyavailable to them.

All right. But measures like the metal detectorhaven’t proven particularly effective?

No. Schools are open. There aren’t many schoolsthat only have one door. When you’re goingthrough an airport checkpoint, there’s one way inand one way out. So that may be effective.Schools, you have back doors, you have sidedoors, you have practice fields, you have lockers,you have cars. Metal detectors just aren’t going towork, because the schools are too fluid. You’vegot to change the attitudes.

And that’s another kind of the benefit of having aschool resource officer on campus. Because whena school resource officer is there and he has thetrust and the kids believe in him or her, then ifthere’s a weapon on campus, a lot of times they’llcome tell you about it.

Why do kids bring these weapons to school?

One of the violent society. And a lot of times it’s just for show, to develop a reputation. And if Ishow a gun, people will leave me alone. They willthink I’m bad. And I will not be intimidated.

I think a lot of kids use the excuse of fear. I was in fear, so I had to arm myself to protect myself. Ithink that’s an excuse and not a reason.

There are as many reasons for weapons oncampuses as there are weapons on the street.

The gangs are permeating or crossing all thecultural and social economic barriers now. Is thatwhat you’re seeing?

Definitely. It’s not one race, one ethnicity. It’severybody is involved in it now.

What do you see as the cure for that?

Education. Education. We have got to change theenvironment. We’ve got to change the need forbelonging. We’ve got to help them findsomewhere else to be successful and be accepted.If we do that, the need for the gang involvementwill go away.

How would we develop that sense that gangs arenot a good thing? You said earlier, attitudes are soimportant. How are we going to affect the attitudeabout gangs besides just–

First of all, we’ve got to start young. We’re notgoing to jump in high school and changeattitudes. We’ve got to start elementary school,we’ve got to start middle school. And we’ve got tochange the attitudes. We’ve got to make them notas attractive to younger kids. We’ve got to showthe reality and not the myth.

And that’s what’s happening too long in too manyof our neighborhoods. They’re seeing the myth.And if young people are exposed to the truth,most of the time they make responsible choices.And we’ve got to expose them to the truth at avery, very young age, and keep reinforcing it.

You can’t just show them that gangs are bad. Justlike with just say no, they had to say yes tosomething. Just say no to gangs– we’ve got tohave them say yes to something. And that may beacademic success, social success, involved inyouth organizations, athletics, something wherethey feel success. We’ve got to find somewherewhere every kid can be successful. And It’s not thesame for every kid.

Right. Positive identification.

That will have the biggest, quickest, and mostlong-lasting impact on gang involvement that’spositive.

That’s great. Is there anything that you’d like toend with, advice for school resource officers andadministrators?

The advice would be communicate. For the schoolresource officer and for the administrator, if youdon’t talk to each other, the mistrust and themisinformation will be spread. On a daily basis,hourly basis, you need to communicate.

There has to be a learning process. They have tolearn what our responsibilities and guidelines andrequirements are.

And for the law enforcement officer, you’ve got totake time to realize that that school administratoris responsible for everything that takes place on his campus. Even what you do, he’s still ultimatelyresponsible for. And with that ownership comes agreat deal of responsibility for him. You’ve got tobe able to communicate to him what you’re doingso he understands it. Once the trust is built, youcan do a lot of different things and a lot morethings for your kids.

And that’s what– service the young people. That’sbottom line. Whoever takes credit for it is fine, as long as young people get serviced.

You spent 15 years as a school resource officerand didn’t try to go up the chain, didn’t takepromotion. What has it meant to you to be aschool resource officer?

I feel better– I feel great coming to work every day. That feels as good for me now as it did 15years ago.

Young people have changed. It’s forced me tochange. It’s forces me to stay young, if you will. Ifyou can be young and be adult– but kids changeconstantly. Kids are involved.

And I have never felt better about anything in mylife as I do coming to work and working withyoung people. They have become a part of myextended family. They come back and see me.They’re bringing their kids back. I’ve got kids thatare attorneys, doctors, lawyers. And they comeback and see me. I’ve got 9 kids in the county thatare law enforcement officers now since I’vegraduated. I go to law enforcement graduations,and weddings, and college graduations for mykids. And I wouldn’t change a minute. I wouldn’ttrade a minute for what I’ve done.

It’s a great way to make a difference in people’slives.

It is.

Thanks for being with us today.

We also asked officers at the San AntonioIndependent School District a variety of questionsabout guns in school. And here’s what they had tosay.

If you had asked me this question three years ago,I would have told you that most of them are gang-related carrying of weapons. I’m not so sure that’strue today. I know from a number of instanceswhere we’ve been involved recently, we seestudents bringing weapons because of a sense offear. Going to and from school, concerns aboutwhat someone might do to them. And so I see ashifting here, and I’m not so certain anymore thatit’s related to gang or gang retaliation.

But more, there is a concern about personalsafety, especially going to and from school. We’reseeing a lot more of that. We’re getting manymore weapons in the vicinity of the school beforethey even get to school than actually havingproblems with the weapons on the campuses.

A lot of the kids, the ones that we interviewed, tellus they bring them to school for protection. And alot of these kids have a lot of enemies. If you’vebeen involved in a gang anywhere between a yearto two years, you’re going to make a lot enemiesalong those lines. And it’s not easy for you to walkdown the street without having to look over yourback. So the basic reason is for protection.

A lot of the kids bring guns to school because theythink that they are in danger. So they have aperceived need for protection, so they bring guns to school. And several also bring them strictly toshow off to other people. Oftentimes, we’ll findguns that aren’t even loaded. They brought themfrom the house or they bought them, but theydon’t have any bullets with the,. Those are theshow off type of people that we find guns with.

I think it depends. And I get this question manytimes from all over the country, people asking me this question. Do metal detectors work? And Ithink there are a number of factors you have to beaware of when you’re looking at metal detectors. Ithink it has to do– if you use metal detectors–we’ve had people that we’ve talked to and theysaid, what do you suggest we do? And I say, thefirst thing is assess your situation out there. Ifyou’re looking at metal detectors as a cure all,you’re wrong. And in fact, they’ll call back in two or three months and they’ll say, Dave, you’reright. Kids got through with the weapons anyhow.What do we do next?

Metal detectors, just like anything else– you putthem up, kids are going to find a way to get thoseweapons in there. It will serve as a challenge. It will serve as a challenge for those kids. And Iguarantee they will get those guns in. The bestkey here is to keep an open line ofcommunication, get a level of trust there, get thekids’ confidence. And they’ll let you know what’sgoing on.

Metal detectors and kids don’t necessarily gohand in hand. If you put something out there forthe kids to try to beat, it’s like a challenge.

And especially the problem occurs where you’vegot buildings like in most inner cities that areolder, and they were not set up in terms ofsecurity. So you’ll have kids that will findalternate routes to get the weapon into theschool. And we know from experience that they’lleven leave a window open the night before.Before leaving school, they’ll leave a window ajar,and they could pass a weapon through thewindow.

So to say that metal detectors are the solution, Ican’t buy into that.

We found that metal detectors are very subject atbest. Because when you put up a metal detector,you’re presenting a challenge to the kids to bringa gun to school.

We do use weapon detector dogs who conductperiodic sweeps at the parking lots and thelockers, mainly as a deterrent type of method. Butthe most effective method that we found so far isby these officers talking to the kids on a dailybasis. The kids have extremely good rapport withthe officers, and they trust the officers. And whenthey find out that there’s a gun on campus, theywill come tell the officer stationed here at theseschools that so and so has a gun. Because theyare concerned for their safety.

It’s not unusual for us to get a call from a gangmember and warn us of impending trouble.They’ll let us know, hey, so and so is carrying atech-22 or a tech-9, so be on the lookout. That’show we get our information.

But I think the better approach is to look at kidsand say, what are we trying to do. We go back toour mission statement. Ours is to build productivecitizens. Citizenship means taking responsibilityfor your actions. We want students to get to theplace of being responsible for their community,their campus. They are responsible to report to uswhen things are going on there at that school. It’spart of their community and part of theireducational environment.

And they do call us and tell us. So I’m concernedmore with building in to kids a sense that you’reresponsible rather than relying on some piece ofequipment to give me a sense of security that allis well when in reality, it turns out all is not well.And then where am I? I have all this expensiveequipment, and I have told the community thatit’s going to work now. We’ve got these metaldetectors in place, and you should have a safeschool. And then three days later we haveweapons showing up on the campus. Now whatdo I tell to the parents?

Better to say that that is an option to consider, butyou have to consider many things along with it. Isyour school environmentally designed to dealwith that? If you have multiple points where thekids can come in, it’s not going to work aseffectively as one point. If there are timeconstraints, it’s going to be a problem. Howsensitive are you going to make that equipment,selectivity ratings and such?

So I’m not saying there’s something wrong withmetal detectors. I say we don’t use them on aregular basis here. We’re more interested inhaving children buy in to the responsibility for thecampus. And it is working. So I stay with thatapproach.

In terms of searching on a school grounds, there’stwo different sets of parameters that we go by.Number one, as an officer– any law enforcementofficer regardless, of his jurisdiction, has to go byprobable cause when he’s going to conduct a search. The other standard that we have as schooladministrators, by virtue of their power, theymerely have to have reasonable suspicion toconduct a search.

The problem comes about is when both the officer and the principal are working in concert.When you have an officer stationed at a schoolwho maybe works with the principal, they workvery, very well together. But that can present aproblem when an offer gets brought in on asearch that a principal is conducting when theprincipal only has reasonable suspicion. Theofficer cannot take part in that search, because assoon as the officer is directly involved, he has tohave probable cause.

In searching the lockers in the school, some of thecriteria you have to go by is obviously the schoolitself is going to own the locker. So it is theschool’s property.

Who supplies the lock on the locker is very, verycritical. If the school itself supplies the lock, thatmakes one statement. If it is a student’s lock, thatmakes a completely different statement. If thestudent owns the lock that is on the locker, he hasa reasonable expectation of privacy. So therefore,the entire Fourth Amendment spectrum comes inat that point in time if he owns the lock.

It depends also– what is the policy of the schoolin regards to searching the locker? We as peaceofficers are peace officers all the time. A schooladministrator is acting in loco parentis and hassome rights and some say-so in being able tosearch certain areas for the safety and welfare ofthe students.

A student, regardless of whether he’s a juvenile oran adult, is covered by the Fourth Amendment inmost regards. But the most important thing youhave to remember as an officer working withthese kids, if you’re conducting a search, you haveto have probable cause. If the principal isconducting a search, or a school administrator, hein most cases needs only reasonable suspicion toconduct a search. And the best thing that you cando if he asks you to accompany him on a search isto not get directly involved in it. Do not direct theprincipal where to search. Do not conduct part ofthe search for him. Because you may lose yourcase at that point in time.

So while there are various methods andtechniques that have proven to be effective, itsounds like communication with students is thekey ingredient in weapon recovery.

CRJ 320 Assignment 3: The Big Stage!

In the United States, both the federal government and the states have authority to indict for criminal wrongdoing. The federal government and each state have their own criminal statutes, court system, prosecutors, and police agencies. Use your textbook, the Internet, and / or Strayer Library to research articles on crime trial, prosecutor, and criminal investigator.

Write a four to five (4-5) page paper in which you:

  1. Put yourself in the role of a prosecutor and explain the importance of the final report to the prosecution of a case. Further, analyze the possible impact of poorly completed final reports on the prosecution of a case.
  2. Review Figure 21.1 “The Use of Evidence in the Stages of the Criminal Justice Process” in Chapter 21 of the text and specify the manner in which each stage of the criminal justice process helps to build a successfully litigated action. Provide a rationale to support your response.
  3. Define a criminal investigator’s role in preparing a case for court. Analyze the manner in which the investigator cooperates with the prosecutor to enhance the courtroom presentation. 
  4. Differentiate not guilty and acquitted. Give your opinion as to whether or not an acquittal means that the investigator failed. Support your position. 
  5. Predict one to two (1-2) changes that will take place in criminal investigation in the next  twenty (20) years. Provide a rationale to support your response.
  6. Use at least two (2) quality academic resources in this assignment. Note: Wikipedia and similar type Websites do not qualify as academic resources.

Your assignment must follow these formatting requirements:

• Be typed, double spaced, using Times New Roman font (size 12), with one-inch margins on all sides; citations and references must follow APA or school-specific format.

Points: 200

Assignment 3: The Big Stage!

Criteria

 

Unacceptable

Below 60% F

Meets Minimum Expectations

60-69% D

 

Fair

70-79% C

 

Proficient

80-89% B

 

Exemplary

90-100% A

1. Put yourself in the role of a prosecutor and explain the importance of the final report to the prosecution of a case. Further, analyze the possible impact of poorly completed final reports on the prosecution of a case.

Weight: 15%

Did not submit or incompletely put yourself in the role of a prosecutor and explain the importance of the final report to the prosecution of a case. Did not submit or incompletely analyzed the possible impact of poorly completed final reports on the prosecution of a case.

Insufficiently put yourself in the role of a prosecutor and explain the importance of the final report to the prosecution of a case. Insufficiently analyzed the possible impact of poorly completed final reports on the prosecution of a case.

Partially put yourself in the role of a prosecutor and explain the importance of the final report to the prosecution of a case. Partially analyzed the possible impact of poorly completed final reports on the prosecution of a case.

Satisfactorily put yourself in the role of a prosecutor and explain the importance of the final report to the prosecution of a case. Satisfactorily analyzed the possible impact of poorly completed final reports on the prosecution of a case.

Thoroughly put yourself in the role of a prosecutor and explain the importance of the final report to the prosecution of a case. Thoroughly analyzed the possible impact of poorly completed final reports on the prosecution of a case.

2. Review Figure 21.1 “The Use of Evidence in the Stages of the Criminal Justice Process” in Chapter 21 of the text and specify the manner in which each stage of the criminal justice process helps to build a successfully litigated action. Provide a rationale to support your response.
Weight: 20%

Did not submit or incompletely reviewed Figure 21.1 “The Use of Evidence in the Stages of the Criminal Justice Process” in Chapter 21 of the text; did not submit or incompletely specified the manner in which each stage of the criminal justice process helps to build a successfully litigated action. Did not submit or incompletely provided a rationale to support your response.

Insufficientlyreviewed Figure 21.1 “The Use of Evidence in the Stages of the Criminal Justice Process” in Chapter 21 of the text; insufficientlyspecified the manner in which each stage of the criminal justice process helps to build a successfully litigated action. Insufficientlyprovided a rationale to support your response.

Partiallyreviewed Figure 21.1 “The Use of Evidence in the Stages of the Criminal Justice Process” in Chapter 21 of the text; partiallyspecified the manner in which each stage of the criminal justice process helps to build a successfully litigated action. Partiallyprovided a rationale to support your response.

Satisfactorilyreviewed Figure 21.1 “The Use of Evidence in the Stages of the Criminal Justice Process” in Chapter 21 of the text; satisfactorilyspecified the manner in which each stage of the criminal justice process helps to build a successfully litigated action. Satisfactorilyprovided a rationale to support your response.

Thoroughly reviewed Figure 21.1 “The Use of Evidence in the Stages of the Criminal Justice Process” in Chapter 21 of the text; thoroughly specified the manner in which each stage of the criminal justice process helps to build a successfully litigated action. Thoroughly provided a rationale to support your response.

3. Define a criminal investigator’s role in preparing a case for court. Analyze the manner in which the investigator cooperates with the prosecutor to enhance the courtroom presentation.
Weight: 15%

Did not submit or incompletely defined a criminal investigator’s role in preparing a case for court. Did not submit or incompletely analyzed the manner in which the investigator cooperates with the prosecutor to enhance the courtroom presentation.

Insufficiently defined a criminal investigator’s role in preparing a case for court. Insufficiently analyzed the manner in which the investigator cooperates with the prosecutor to enhance the courtroom presentation.

Partiallydefined a criminal investigator’s role in preparing a case for court. Partially analyzed the manner in which the investigator cooperates with the prosecutor to enhance the courtroom presentation.

Satisfactorilydefined a criminal investigator’s role in preparing a case for court. Satisfactorily analyzed the manner in which the investigator cooperates with the prosecutor to enhance the courtroom presentation.

Thoroughly defined a criminal investigator’s role in preparing a case for court. Thoroughly analyzed the manner in which the investigator cooperates with the prosecutor to enhance the courtroom presentation.

4. Differentiate not guilty and acquitted. Give your opinion as to whether or not an acquittal means that the investigator failed. Support your position.
Weight: 20%

Did not submit or incompletely differentiated not guilty and acquitted. Did not submit or incompletely gave your opinion as to whether or not an acquittal means that the investigator failed. Did not submit or incompletely supported your position.

Insufficientlydifferentiated not guilty and acquitted. Insufficientlygave your opinion as to whether or not an acquittal means that the investigator failed. Insufficientlysupported your position.

Partially differentiated not guilty and acquitted. Partially gave your opinion as to whether or not an acquittal means that the investigator failed. Partially supported your position.

Satisfactorily differentiated not guilty and acquitted. Satisfactorily gave your opinion as to whether or not an acquittal means that the investigator failed. Satisfactorily supported your position.

Thoroughly differentiated not guilty and acquitted. Thoroughly gave your opinion as to whether or not an acquittal means that the investigator failed. Thoroughly supported your position.

5. Predict one to two (1-2) changes that will take place in criminal investigation in the next 20 years. Provide a rationale to support your response.
Weight: 15%

Did not submit or incompletely predicted one to two (1-2) changes that will take place in criminal investigation in the next 20 years. Did not submit or incompletely provided a rationale to support your response.

Insufficiently predicted one to two (1-2) changes that will take place in criminal investigation in the next 20 years. Insufficiently provided a rationale to support your response.

Partially predicted one to two (1-2) changes that will take place in criminal investigation in the next 20 years. Partially provided a rationale to support your response.

Satisfactorily predicted one to two (1-2) changes that will take place in criminal investigation in the next 20 years. Satisfactorily provided a rationale to support your response.

Thoroughlypredicted one to two (1-2) changes that will take place in criminal investigation in the next 20 years. Thoroughlyprovided a rationale to support your response.

6. 2 references

Weight: 5%

No references provided

Does not meet the required number of references; all references poor quality choices.

Does not meet the required number of references; some references poor quality choices.

Meets number of required references; all references high quality choices.

Exceeds number of required references; all references high quality choices.

7. Clarity, writing mechanics, and formatting requirements

Weight: 10%

More than 8 errors present

7-8 errors present

5-6 errors present

3-4 errors present

0-2 errors present

Juvenile Court System

APA format

3-4 pages

 

A 12-year-old boy was caught in the act of sexually assaulting a 14-year-old female acquaintance by the victim’s 16-year-old brother, who had arrived home and observed the juveniles in the act. The 12-year-old juvenile suspect, in addition to sexually assaulting the victim, had beaten her with the heel of a shoe that was nearby. The victim was almost unconscious when the police arrived.

Following the incident, the juvenile was arrested and detained by local police on the following charges:

  • Attempted sexual assault of a minor
  • Aggravated assault
  • Minor in possession of an alcoholic beverage
  • Unlawful possession of a controlled substance (marijuana)

The juvenile suspect was a latchkey kid, a child who returns from school to an empty home, from a single-parent home. His mother works from 2 p.m–11 p.m. Monday through Friday, so the juvenile is often alone for hours upon his return from school.

After a preliminary examination, the juvenile suspect explained that the victim purchased the marijuana and the alcohol earlier that same day. The juvenile explained that the victim had invited him to her house because they had “been liking each other” for a long time. Further, the juvenile explained that the alcohol and drugs were in the home when he arrived. He said that he and the victim began by smoking marijuana and drinking beer before they began kissing and fondling one another. Next, according to the juvenile suspect, they started to have what he described as consensual sex. After a short while they were interrupted by the victim’s brother, who had come home from work. The victim’s brother then called the police to report the incident.

The juvenile had prior detentions for violation of curfew, truancy, and attempted sexual battery. No further explanations are given.

Assignment:

Write an essay from the perspective of the police officer, the state’s attorney, and the judge. Do each of these components of the criminal justice system see the offender as a status offender for any of the charges? Discuss your opinion of the status offender from the perspective of each criminal justice component (law enforcement, states attorney, and the judge). Are the charges viewed by each of the criminal justice components listed below as delinquent acts?

  1. From the perspective of the police officer
    • What typically happens to this juvenile before he even goes to juvenile court? How does law enforcement process the incident?
  2. From the perspective of the state’s attorney
    • Make suggestions to the court on how the boy should be punished/sentenced.
  3. From the perspective of the judge
    • Based on the facts of the case and the procedures of the juvenile justice system, what would be the most appropriate finding for the court? What options does the judge have in this incident?

Be sure to cite all references in APA format.

How You Will Be Graded

You will be marked down if you use adult court terminology in your paper! Juvenile court has its own definitions and procedures.

Your grade for this project is not dependent upon which side is right or wrong but on the arguments that you present and the decision you make. Your arguments and decision should be thorough and include a complete rationalization that is backed by theories, facts, and procedures learned in this course.